SAGE Research Methods Video

An Introduction to Grounded Theory

Pub. Date: 2016

Product: SAGE Research Methods Video

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781473991798

Methods: Grounded theory, Constructivism

Keywords: practices, strategies, and tools

Disciplines: Anthropology, Business and Management, Criminology and Criminal Justice, Counseling and

Psychotherapy, Education, Geography, Health, Nursing, Political Science and International Relations,

Psychology, Social Work, Sociology

Access Date: January 13, 2023

Publishing Company: SAGE Publications Ltd

City: London

Online ISBN: 9781473991798

© 2016 SAGE Publications Ltd All Rights Reserved.

[An Introduction to Grounded Theory]

KATHY CHARMAZ: Hello. [Kathy Charmaz, PhD, Professor, Department of Sociology, Sonoma State

University] My name is Kathy Charmaz, and I am a professor of sociology and director of the faculty

writing program at Sonoma State University. In this tutorial, I will be introducing the grounded theory

method, outlining its historical emergence and defining constructivist grounded theory, a contempo-

rary form of the original method.

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: I will be covering the following main points. [Presentation Topics]

The definition of grounded theory, the emergence of grounded theory, and the constructivist turn in

grounded theory. [The definition of grounded theory, The emergence of grounded theory, The con-

structivist turn in grounded theory] I will start with a short interview excerpt and show how to proceed

with the analysis. It's important to understand grounded theory, because it has shaped the develop-

ment

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: of qualitative methods and is the frequently chosen method. [An In-

terview Excerpt] Now I'm going to talk about an interview excerpt. This quote was said by a woman

who has a very serious cancer and a prognosis that

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: is not promising. So now she's facing a much shorter life. "Whereas

I expected to live a ripe old age, I was going to live to 105, it's like now, will I live to 60? Probably?

Probably. But I can't take it for granted the way I used to.

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: It's like there's a compactness and a preciousness, and little things

have more importance. I don't take things for granted, and it's certainly changed how I work as a ther-

apist." In grounded theory, we start analyzing our data by coding. So in this example, I'm analyzing

the excerpt

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: that we just talked about. [Coding the Excerpt] First, I came up

with facing a shrinking future, relinquishing assumptions of a long life, seeing preciousness and little

things, and changing ways of working. [Facing a shrinking future, Relinquishing assumptions of a

long life, Seeing preciousness in little things, Changing ways of working] These are codes that will

get me started on the analysis. [What is grounded theory?]

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: So starting with an initial definition, grounded theory methods consist

of a systematic approach to inquiry with several key strategies for conducting inquiry. [Grounded

Theory methods: Consist of a systematic approach to inquiry with several key strategies for conduct-

ing inquiry] The purpose of grounded theory is to construct new theory for the collected data that

accounts for these data.

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Page 2 of 6 An Introduction to Grounded Theory

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: Grounded theory favors theory construction over description, con-

structing fresh concepts over applying received theory, theorizing processes over assuming stable

structures. [Grounded Theory Favors Theory construction, over description, Constructing fresh con-

cepts, over applying received theory, Theorizing processes, over assuming stable structures] There

are defining features of this method. Grounded theory starts as an inductive method.

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: It's definitely a comparative method. It's an interactive method, be-

cause you interact with the data and with your participants and then with the analysis as you're de-

veloping it. It's iterative, in that you go back and forth between data and analysis, data and concepts,

your data

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: and the categories that you're developing. Grounded theory is also

abductive, in that you may come up with some surprising findings and then have to think of all possi-

ble theoretical explanations for these findings that you subsequently go and check. [Grounded The-

ory Features, Inductive, Comparative, Interactive, Iterative, Abductive] The major grounded theory

strategies

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: include, first of all, coding which I just talked about. And then we

move to memo writing, which is writing about our codes, our analysis, the gaps in our coding. The-

oretical sampling is one of the most misunderstood ideas about grounded theory and strategies.

[Grounded Theory Strategies, Coding, Memo writing, Theoretical sampling] Basically, theoretical

sampling means

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: sampling for your key categories. [Theoretical Sampling: Sampling

for your key categories] You have to have a tentative theoretical category to engage in theoretical

sampling. It is not the same as sampling for status requirements like gender, age, religion, ethnicity.

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: Those might be important to start with, but those are not theoretical

sampling. Theoretical sampling is about categories. And then theoretical sorting and integration

deals with the sorting of your categories and how you are putting them together to frame your theory.

[Grounded Theory Strategies, Coding, Memo writing, Theoretical sampling, Theoretical sorting and

integration] [What is the logic of the grounded theory method?]

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: What is the logic of grounded theory? It's an iterative and compara-

tive logic, where you move back and forth between data and an increasingly abstract analysis. [itera-

tive and comparative logic] And while you're doing that, you engage in these systematic comparisons

that I mentioned, of data with data, data with codes, codes with codes, and codes with categories.

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: This is an example of comparing data from the interview excerpt

that I just talked about. "When I look at the sunset realize it's really very beautiful I don't think I don't

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Page 3 of 6 An Introduction to Grounded Theory

take things for granted. I'm much more in the moment." Here are the codes I derived from comparing

data. And you notice that I compared data between data

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: from the same person. You can also compare data from other peo-

ple, from other situations, from other incidents. But in this case I compared treasuring the moment

and living in the moment as the codes. With emerging grounded theory categories, you consider all

possible theoretical understandings

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: of the data, and then you construct a tentative category. You gather

data to fill out the properties of this category. And then you check the category against new data.

[Emerging Grounded Theory Categories, Consider all possible theoretical understandings of the da-

ta, Construct a tentative category, Gather data to fill out properties for this category, Check catego-

ry against new data] [Why is grounded theory useful?] Grounded theory offers a conceptual under-

standing

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: of the studied data. It provides tools for summarizing, synthesizing,

and analyzing data. I emphasize analyzing data, because grounded theory is one method that helps

you break the data apart and really look at it closely, rather than just pulling it together.

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: Grounded theory gives you focus and flexibility. [The Historical Con-

text of Grounded Theory] Now we turn to the historical context, in which Barney Glaser and Anselm

Strauss first developed grounded theory. [Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss] Research methods by

1965 were dominated

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: by quantitative methods. And qualitative research had waned, al-

though there had been such a strong tradition of qualitative research throughout the history of soci-

ology. Quantitative researchers did impose their criteria on qualitative research, and of course quali-

tative research

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: could not adhere to that of those criteria. In 1967, The Discovery

of Grounded Theory, Glaser and Strauss's famous book, first appeared. In this book, what did they

challenge? Glaser and Strauss disputed a number of dominant assumptions in quantitative research

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: and in research more generally. First of all, they disputed views of

qualitative research as impressionistic and anecdotal. They also challenged notions of qualitative re-

search as only a precursor of forming quantitative tools. And they challenged the arbitrary division

between theory and research.

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: [Assumptions of Quantitative Research Disputed by Glaser and

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Strauss, Views of qualitative research as impressionistic and anecdotal, Notions of qualitative re-

search as only a precursor of forming quantitative tools, The arbitrary division between theory and

research] Glaser and Strauss disputed the elite control theory construction. They challenged apply-

ing canons of quantitative research to evaluate qualitative research, and they also argued against

the descriptive level of many qualitative studies. [Disputed Assumptions of Quantitative Research,

Elite control of theory construction, Applying the canons of quantitative research to evaluate qualita-

tive research, The descriptive

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: level of qualitative studies] [What is constructivist grounded theory?]

Constructivist grounded theory preserved strategies of the original method, such as coding, memo

writing, and theoretical sampling, but adopts a new epistemological foundation and integrates

methodological developments of the past five decades.

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: [Constructivist Grounded Theory, Adopts a new epistemological

foundation, Integrates methodological developments of the past five decades] Constructivist ground-

ed theory adopts the abductive, emergent, comparative, an open-ended approach of the original ver-

sion. It includes Strauss's abductive logic. [abductive logic] It emphasizes action and meaning inher-

ent in pragmatism. Constructivist grounded theory also answers

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: criticisms of the earlier versions of grounded theory it highlights

its flexibility and resists mechanical applications of the method. [Constructivist Grounded Theory,

Emphasizes action and meaning inherent in pragmatism, Answers criticisms of earlier versions of

grounded theory, Highlights flexibility and resists mechanical applications of the method] Construc-

tivist grounded theory addresses its implications for data collection. [Why has constructivist grounded

theory developed?]

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: Constructivist grounded theory places the researcher, the research

process, and product in social, historical, cultural, situational, and interactive context. Constructivist

grounded theory acknowledges the researcher's subjectivity in social positions, and it calls for reflex-

ivity about the process

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: and about one's own decisions. The following figure shows con-

structing grounded theory at a glance. The figure shows graphically the steps that you use and go

through as you're doing grounded theory. It may give you a firmer idea of what I have been talking

about, but it summarizes everything I've

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: said in the past few minutes. [Conclusion] To conclude, this presen-

tation gives you a brief overview of grounded theory, the historical context of its emergence, and the

constructivist version of the method. For further reading, you can pursue

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KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: a study of grounded theory in the following three books. My book,

Kathy Charmaz, Constructing Grounded Theory. The second edition is much more in-depth and has

many more examples. Juliet Corbin and Anselm Strauss, the 2015 Basics of Qualitative Research.,

KATHY CHARMAZ [continued]: which is their fourth edition, revised by Julie Corbin. And last, but cer-

tainly not least, the book that started everything, Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss, 1967, The Dis-

covery of Grounded Theory. [Further Reading, Charmaz (2014). Constructing grounded theory (2nd

ed.)., Corbin & Strauss (2015). Basics of qualitative research (4th ed.)., Glaser & Strauss (1967).

The discovery of grounded theory.]

https://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781473991798

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SAGE Research Methods

Doing Development Research

Author: Jan Kees van Donge

Pub. Date: 2011

Product: SAGE Research Methods

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781849208925

Methods: Case study research, Focus groups, Survey research

Disciplines: Anthropology, Geography, Political Science and International Relations, Social Policy and Public

Policy, Social Work, Sociology

Access Date: January 13, 2023

Publishing Company: SAGE Publications, Ltd

City: London

Online ISBN: 9781849208925

© 2011 SAGE Publications, Ltd All Rights Reserved.

Ethnography and Participant Observation

· · What is ethnography? · · Ethnography and development studies · · Ethnography and the devel-

opment practitioner · · The distinctive contribution of ethnographic methods

What is ethnography?

Ethnographic research methods attempt to study social life as it unfolds in the practices of day-to-day life.

These methods avoid as much as possible artificial research situations. Artificiality is obvious in some in-

stances, particularly in the highly controlled experimental method, but it is found also in other methods. For

example, the interview situation in surveys using highly controlled questions is a social construction. In par-

ticipatory rural appraisal (PRA), meetings are set up specifically to ask questions that people may never ask

spontaneously. From the ethnographic point of view, the ideal is not to be noticed as an observer and to be

accepted as a normal member of social life, as this results in minimal disturbance. Such participant observa-

tion is, however, an ideal that is rarely reached in practice. Artificial research situations, to a certain degree,

usually enter the social field that is being studied. The word ‘ethnography’ emerged in the period of Euro-

pean expansion to denote the observation of exotic peoples. It is thus in its origin closely associated with the

confrontation of different cultures. The latter makes it especially relevant for development studies as a con-

frontation between cultures is inherent in development work.

Ethnography and development studies

There is widespread scepticism about the suitability of ethnographic methods in the field of development. Re-

search for development management has often to give answers to support urgent decision-making. Ethnog-

raphy, on the other hand, often requires a large investment in time. First, one must gain the confidence of the

people to be studied so that one can be near to them and therefore able to carry out the research. Second,

it often involves the need to at least get acquainted with another language. If one masters the language, one

must ideally be at home in specific group languages. Third, systematic observation of behaviour takes time.

An image is gradually built up of what is happening in a particular social setting on the basis of continued

observation.1 As research proceeds and one gathers more and more data, the question arises as to when

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Page 2 of 12 Doing Development Research

data change into insights. The moment of wider understanding usually occurs when one gets repetitive re-

sults, but it is difficult to say when exactly that happens. Boredom is often a threat to the researcher when

stories become repetitive, but that is usually the sign of understanding. In ethnographic research it is there-

fore difficult to see how far one has progressed, and this is obviously difficult to reconcile with the need for

deadlines. Ethnographic research methods were therefore a major butt of attack in Robert Chambers's call

for more relevant development research: he argued that ‘quick and dirty’ research methods were needed if

findings were to be related to practical action (Chambers, 1974, 1983).

Nevertheless, development organizations these days increasingly commission ethnographic-style research.

A major reason for this is dissatisfaction with the PRA methods. Indeed, these can make development or-

ganizations quickly acquainted with a community, but the answers they give often lack depth. The same an-

swers emerge in many different situations; for example, wealth ranking will usually result in distinguishing a

few rich households, a large number in the middle and an underclass of extremely poor. This is compounded

by an increasing awareness that dominant interests often overshadow others in participatory meetings. The

relevance of observation, the hallmark of ethnographic methods, to check and deepen these images through

watching people and situations, taking notice of casual conversation and the divergent opinions of individuals

therefore becomes apparent.

A second major reason for development organizations favouring ethnographic-style research is the growing

awareness of the unexpected effects resulting from development interventions. The open-minded observation

employed by ethnographic methods, more than other methods, can focus attention outside the field of ex-

pected outcomes. This can be illustrated with an example (see Box 19.1).

Box 19.1 Unexpected outcomes and ethnographic methods

Family Life Training Centres were established in Central Kenya where mothers of malnourished children

could regain strength and learn about methods of nutrition. An evaluation found that these did not perceptibly

change knowledge or patterns of nutrition, nor did they have any long-term impact on the growth of children. It

found, however, that many women attending these nutrition centres were poor and in the process of divorce.

Land in Central Kenya is in the hands of men and therefore divorce provokes for women a crisis in livelihood

in this peasant society. A stay in a nutrition centre was a way to reorganize their lives. The centres had thus

no effect on malnutrition, but their establishment had important effects as shelter for women in a vulnerable

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situation. (Summarized from Hoorweg and Niemeijer, 1981)

This finding was actually revealed through a survey, but it illustrates the need to have an open mind in planned

intervention. If one simply compares intended output with outcomes, then one must come to the conclusion

that the Family Life Training Centres are a failure. However, such a position overlooks important, unintention-

al effects of the intervention, which in this case can be valued positively. Free-ranging observation outside the

bureaucratic, programmed culture of terms of reference, etc., is particularly valuable for this.

The work of Norman Long (2001) is particularly significant in this respect. He sees development interventions

as taking place in an interface of cultures where there is a continuous adaptation, struggle and meshing of

cultural elements and social practices. The language that talks in terms of target populations and that expects

a linear process from intervention to outcomes is wanting. The intervening actors are not steering society as a

machine but are only some actors among the many in the ongoing struggles to create social practices. Long's

perspective on planned intervention clarifies a wide spectrum of policy interventions. Such interaction at the

interface can, for example, be seen in election observation. Observers will stress neutrality: adherence to in-

ternational standards often based on human rights. However, their presence and findings play a significant

role in the ongoing local political process. Interaction between a local political culture and the political culture

of outsiders is essential to understand what is going on. There is thus a growing awareness that confrontation

between cultures is inherent in development practice.

While development practitioners may thus increasingly appreciate the value of ethnographic assessments,

they still have need of short-notice information relevant to management. To fulfil this need, researchers, es-

pecially social anthropologists, increasingly provide ethnographically inspired reports at short notice. This is

possible because the stress on the long-term commitment in ethnographic methods appears to have been

too simplistic. First, some societies are much more open than others, and this allows the researcher to enter

relatively quickly into the culture. Second, if ethnographers have done an elaborate study before, then they

can often work much faster on subsequent occasions. This is especially the case if the previous study was in

the society in question or a closely related one. Third, ethnographic methods are difficult to codify, but training

in anthropology gives people a penetrating attitude towards looking at social practices that is often referred to

as the ‘anthropological eye’.

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Ethnography and the development practitioner

The anthropological eye refers to an ability to observe oneself and the social environment. The usefulness

of this ability is not necessarily restricted to researchers but can be very beneficial to practitioners as well.

They can be participant observers in their own situation. Researchers in development are often not sufficiently

aware that the principal may direct attention to the target population, whereas participant observation in a de-

velopment project including the principal may be more productive. The probable reason for this obliviousness

to their own social context is the demythologizing, sometimes even subversive, character of exercising the

anthropological eye: if it is used in an all-embracing manner, discrepancies between what people (including

practitioners as well as the target population) say and how they act become apparent. A beautiful example of

this comes from the work of David Mosse on participatory rural appraisal methods based on his own partici-

pation in these exercises:

While from the point of view of the ‘outsider’ development workers an organized PRA is an informal

event, in social terms the PRA is often highly formal and public: PRAs are group or collective ac-

tivities; they involve important and influential outsiders (even foreigners); they take place in public

spaces (schools, temples, etc.); they involve the community representing itself to outsiders; and in-

formation is discussed publicly, recorded and preserved for use in planning. Such activities are far

from informal, everyday life. It seems highly probable that this social formality imposes a selectivity

on the kind of information which is presented and recorded in PRAs. (Mosse, 1994: 508)

A training in ethnographic methods makes journal-keeping — generally an ordinary part of development work

— a more productive exercise. Ethnographic research requires extensive journal-keeping to keep track of all

the observations. These notes usually seem random in the beginning and not leading anywhere. However,

insights into social practices often suddenly emerge from these notes. For example, I had difficulty collect-

ing meaningful statements from people while doing research in the Uluguru Mountains in Tanzania. People

talked a lot but said very little. I interpreted this as a failure on my part to penetrate that society. However,

another interpretation emerged while I was repeatedly writing about those remarks without social meaning. It

was an ess

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