2 Laurel Bossen

12 Religion

Chan Hoiman and Ambrose Y. C. King

Chinese religion is not a subject that can be approached in any straightforward or uncontroversial manner. Chinese society and culture were rarely if at all dominated by any state religion or an associated order of church and priesthood worshiping a supreme godhead. Yet its religious orders have generally been dominated by the state, and the state has been operated in accordance with religious precepts. The social order of the Chinese people has long been permeated by ritual practices with clear su- pernatural overtones, giving propitiatory ritual offerings to ancestors or idols, but Chinese have seldom belonged to organized religious bodies. Scholars can therefore alternatively maintain that the Chinese are not a very religious people at all and that they are permeated with superstition of a magical “prereligious” kind. Chinese scholars of a New Confucian bent retort that Chinese culture is verily “beyond belief,” with spiritual reaches and depths that cannot be contained within the usual institutional or intel- lectual frameworks of religions. Even at the end of the nineteenth century, the missionary scholar Arthur Smith still characterized the religious life of the Chinese people as simultaneously “pantheistic, polytheistic, and athe- istic” (1894:chap. 26).

Scholars have taken many approaches to the study of China’s reli- gions. In the late nineteenth century, the great German sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920) undertook his famous study of China’s religion ([1922] 1964) as part of his much broader examination of capitalism and comparative civilizations, approaching Chinese civilization from the per- spective of two major “homegrown” religions—Confucianism and Dao- ism. He sought to demonstrate that the social structure of China contained components that can contribute to the growth of capitalism. But Confucian

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orthodoxy emphasized above all a “rational adaptation” to secular life, generating in the people a traditionalist and conservative propensity that became the decisive obstacle to the growth of aggressive modern capital- ism. Daoism gave people some outlet from this conformity by promoting personal values, which also did not support capitalism. The so-called Weber thesis on Confucianism and the underdevelopment of capitalism in China has since become the subject of heated scholarly debates.

Dutch sinologist Jan de Groot (1854–1921) conceived the ambitious vi- sion of a comprehensive and detailed study of Chinese religion, which was published three decades earlier ([1892] 1972) than Weber’s work. He was interested in Chinese religion as laid out in textual canons and as actually practiced in the religious life of the people. He richly detailed such topics as “the burial of the dead,” “ancestor worship,” and other ritual practices, and advocated China’s religion as a field of scientific study (Freedman, 1979).

Coming to the field a generation later than either Weber or de Groot and following Emile Durkheim’s quest to unravel the “collective con- sciousness,” Marcel Granet’s seminal work ([1922] 1975) suggested that in China “peasant religion” was the foundation of the religion of the liter- ary class—a point Charles A. Laughlin makes about China’s whole literary tradition in Chapter 13. Granet (1884–1940) looked at archaic history for the “essence” of Chinese religion. Later an urban populace would develop a “feudal religion,” and kings created an “official religion” to support their sovereignty. All this subsequently diversified into specific religious cur- rents or doctrines.

More recently, a US sociologist of Chinese descent, C. K. Yang, has noted the contrast between institutional and diffused religions: “Institu- tional religion functions independently as a separate system, while diffused religion functions as a part of the secular social institutions” (1991:295). This basic distinction may be employed in addressing some of the alterna- tive explanations we mentioned in the opening paragraph. Confucianism, by and large a diffused religion, functions through such secular institutions as the state, the family, and the education system. Only in the cases of Bud- dhism (imported from India) and, to a lesser extent, Daoism, can one speak of proper institutional religion with its monastic order and specialized priesthood. Diffused religion is inevitably a less powerful form of religios- ity, merely providing spiritual rationale to secular institutions. Yang con- cluded that, although Chinese religions were rich and dynamic on the sur- face, they were at heart restricted.

In this chapter, we want to give you an overview of how China’s reli- gions evolved and how they cover both the spiritual and the secular realms of life. We examine the development of China’s religions in terms of the in- terplay between diversity and syncretism—how religious streams alterna-

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tively diversified and converged in China’s history (Sun, 2013). At each stage in the unfolding of the Chinese religious universe, new impetus and horizons were opened up and then reconciled with existing beliefs (Yao and Zhao, 2010). From this perspective, the development of Chinese religion remains an ongoing story, an ebb and flow between diversity and syn- cretism. We are suggesting that China has experienced three great historical periods or configurations of divergence and syncretism, when competing rites and doctrines (some institutional and some diffused, in C. K. Yang’s terminology) were juxtaposed and reconciled. The resulting syncretism, in time, would be broken up by the introduction of yet other beliefs. Those three historical configurations are summarized in Table 12.1. As you can see, the table leaves us with a question. The first coming together of diverse religious streams began to take place in the twelfth century BCE. The sec- ond began in the third century BCE, and the third in the tenth century CE. Is a fourth syncretism emerging in the twenty-first century?

First Configuration: The Rise of Humanistic Religion We begin with the legendary Neolithic origins of Chinese religion. Granet would readily point out that much that is unique about the orientation of China’s religion can be traced to that era. Julia Ching (1993) and Richard von Glahn (2004) maintain that elements of those ancient beliefs and cults persist even to this date, still retaining their archaic primitive mode.

As Table 12.1 indicates, ancient Chinese religious beliefs go back at least to the Neolithic and Bronze Ages and were widely practiced during the first archaic dynasties in classical China (Eliade, 1985:3–6; A. Wang,

Table 12.1 Development of Chinese Religions First Ancient cults (2000–1123 BCE): totemism, animism, configuration occultism. (to 256 BCE) Zhou syncretism (1122–256 BCE): The rise of humanistic

religion. Second Axial diversification (772–481 BCE): Confucianism, Daoism, configuration the Yin-Yang school. (to 220 CE) Han syncretism (206 BCE–220 CE): The canonization of

Confucianism. Third Foreign impetus (1): Indian Buddhism, Near Eastern configuration Nestorianism, Manichaeanism. (to 1279) Song syncretism (906–1279): The rise of neo-Confucianism. Fourth Foreign impetus (2): Christianity. configuration Marxism-Maoism as antireligion. (to present) Toward a new syncretism?

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2000). During the Zhou dynasty, between 1122 and 256 BCE, they merged with some new ideas in a syncretic reconciliation of beliefs (Sommer, 1995). The archaic gestation period of Chinese religion shared traits of primitive religions elsewhere. People became aware of and curious about nature and made crude halting attempts to justify human social life on the basis of larger-than-life forces and ideas; especially relevant for China were aspects of totemism, animism, and occultism.

Totemism Totemism is a familiar elementary form of religious belief, identifying human groups with species of animals, birds, or even plants from which they presumably descended. A group sharing the same totemic ancestor bonded together for community and warfare against groups sharing other totems. Scholars such as Emile Durkheim and Claude Lévi-Strauss point out that this classificatory system based on common descent of a group from the same mythic animal, bird, or imaginary monster helped set people apart in their own minds from other groups sharing a different totem, pro- viding them with a rich sense of prehistoric genesis based on legend. The proliferation of totemic groups generated dynamics of war and alliance. The first step toward a unified Chinese culture was allegedly achieved when the mythical Huang Di (the Yellow Emperor) fostered a federation of totemic groups powerful enough to sustain control over what became the heartland of China (L. S. Chang, Yu, and Ch’un, 1998). Down to the times of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou (see Table 3.1), the ruling dynasties and the kings were mainly the great chiefs who held the totemic alliances together. The passage into history took place at the point when totemic alliances were formalized into government and totemic groups became clans. Even today, Chinese often designate themselves “descendants of dragons,” if not because they actually believe in it, at least because they still want to.

Animism Animism forms the other major strand of ancient Chinese beliefs (von Glahn, 2004:18–44). Again, it is a mentality widely shared among peoples of the ancient world. Animism is belief in the omnipresence of spirits, that other living creatures and even inanimate objects or phenomena also pos- sess spiritual essences that can impact the lives of humans. It is usually re- garded by anthropologists as the most basic form of religious belief, based on the inability to distinguish between objective reality and the fantasy world of spirits. Yet as the case of China demonstrates, animism can far outlive its ancient origins. Animism is well documented in the archaeologi- cal finds of the Shang dynasty, mainly in sacrificial inscriptions on tortoise shells and animal bones (Keightley, 1978). These inscriptions indicate that people believed in and made offerings to spirits of natural phenomena such

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as thunder and rain, of natural objects such as mountains and rivers, of beasts and birds, and especially of deceased humans (Lewis, 2006). Many of these practices were to continue in the folk religions of China in later times (Kieschnick, 2003).

Occultism Occultism is closely connected with animism and concerns how the super- natural influence of spirits can be detected or even changed for human pur- poses. In the mind of believers, spirits were usually given form and charac- ter closely resembling human beings and shared our temperaments as well. It is therefore logical to assume that human beings can communicate with these spirits and in the process perhaps take advantage of their power. This may be achieved by specialized religious personnel obtaining blessings from these spirits and foretelling the future through their power. And in ar- chaic China, these religious personnel often held political roles as well, serving as the foundation of kingship (Ching, 1997). The Shang dynasty in- dulged extensively in occultist practice and also embraced the notion of the supreme lord (di), the personified supernatural overlord of all beings, to- ward whom acts of offerings and divination were ultimately directed (Eli- ade, 1985:7–9). The worship of di can be interpreted in a polytheistic mode, where the all-powerful di presided over the spiritual pantheon of the ani- mistic world and answered to the pleadings and inquiries of the people.

The three themes of totemism, animism, and occultism formed the reli- gious scaffolding of remote archaic China. In the passage from the Xia and Shang dynasties into the Zhou dynasty—and from prehistory into docu- mented history—two important strands of prehistoric beliefs would be as- similated into and continued in the religion of Zhou. These beliefs were the worship of heaven (tian) on the one hand and ancestral worship on the other. Both of these motifs were to exert heavy influences on the religious life of China to come. The worship of tian is essentially the depersonalized version of the former worship of di. In the transition from Shang into Zhou, the personified supreme deity of di was to be gradually metamorphosed into an impersonal transcendental force. Although this ultimate force was no longer cast in a humanized mode, it nonetheless had purpose and direc- tion. Comprehending and abiding by the will and Mandate of Heaven (tian- ming) would be among the key religious principles in Chinese culture—the belief that earthquakes, drought and hunger, and rising poverty are signs that heaven has withdrawn its approval of the ruler and he can be over- thrown, as discussed in Chapter 4 (Loewe, 1986; Shahar and Weller, 1996). And the worship of tian would in later days converge with the imperatives of the dao (the way), whether defined in Confucian, Daoist, or yin-yang terms. As for ancestral worship, this is a heritage from totemism for which China has become particularly famous. It makes little difference that the

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early totemic ancestors were mainly legendary animals or even hybrids; they kindled a religious sentiment that constantly beckoned to the ancestral fountainhead, which would continue to oversee the conduct and welfare of the latter-day descendants. The impersonal and immutable tian and the highly personal and affectionate ancestors (zu) would form the two essen- tial axes of supernatural beliefs, handed down as they were from the prehis- toric past first to the Zhou civilization and in turn to Chinese culture as a whole.

Zhou Syncretism and Humanistic Religion During the Zhou dynasty, these beliefs were assimilated and consolidated, especially in the western Zhou. The individual traditions did not disappear, but society and scholars drew together important elements from all of them to bolster secular institutions along with religious ideas and practices (Eli- ade, 1985:9–13; Fung, 1997). Divination and other animistic magical prac- tices continued (also discussed in Chapter 13). But at the same time, thinkers and religious practitioners combined them with other religious tra- ditions, picking what seemed best from each to form a new body of doc- trines and rituals. It was truly a syncretism—a generally contrived and strained sense of integration that would last for a few centuries and finally begin to fall apart under that strain. Then, new diverse religious strands would unravel, to be brought back together in a second syncretism dis- cussed below. This is how China’s religious traditions have evolved amid the diversity and immensity of the Chinese religious universe—an interplay of unity and difference.

The Zhou syncretism emerged because, after a long prehistoric child- hood, Chinese society had reached a stocktaking threshold requiring a more stable and rational framework of social life. As explained in Chapter 3, the Zhou people of the west toppled the Shang dynasty, which had grown cor- rupt and obsolete. They sought to create the underpinnings of a new social order. Although construction of the Zhou order was generally accredited to the Duke of Zhou, the younger brother of the founding emperor, it must also be seen as a product of its time.

The duke of Zhou presided over construction of a strong program of humanism, centering primarily on humanistic interests and ideals, that was to permeate all subsequent evolution of the Chinese religious world. The personified godhead of di—the closest that China ever came to professing a supreme monotheistic deity—became the abstract ramified force of tian and of nature, no longer intervening directly in the mundane details of so- cial life. Tian was a “hidden god.” Although tian and nature had purpose and will, they were part of bigger cosmic dynamics that had no use for di- vine design or intervention. And if human affairs must nonetheless abide by heavenly principles, they do so mainly for the sake of harmony and felicity

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in social life. In this way, then, the rise of Zhou humanism signified an es- sential new twist in the religious consciousness of the Chinese, in which both the sacred and the profane derived their meanings from within the concrete operation of the secular human world (Nakamura, 1964:chap. 15). This would be the all-important leitmotiv that both Confucianism and Dao- ism took up in later times.

Starting with this basic propensity toward a humanistic religion, Zhou syncretism placed dual emphasis on rites and ethics that (in the absence of divine decrees) together set the standard of proper behavior. The notion of, and the word for, “rite” (li) had its origin in the archaic ritual of making of- ferings to the gods. People were instructed to participate in rites with sin- cerity and care, just as their ancestors had done when worshiping their pan- theon of animistic spirits and di, the mandate of gods and heaven. In addition, practice of rite evolved into social institutions and ideological doctrines. Rites as social institutions defined proper behavior in different social occasions— celebrations, initiations, mourning, interaction, and so on (D. E. Armstrong, 1998). Rites would shape the elementary social structure of the community, visually demonstrating the sovereignty and power of the rulers and the rights and responsibilities of different social roles. Philosoph- ical and ideological frameworks justified and codified the practice of rites, ensuring their continuity even beyond the reign of Zhou. That codification was partly recorded in the canonical Book of Rites, the compilations of an- cient documents broadly related to this movement.

In lieu of divine decrees, the intellectual foundation of li—and of Zhou humanism in general—was primarily ethical in character. At the heart of this ethic was the use of blood ties and kinship dynamics as the foundation of values and standards of social relationship. In the absence of divine ordi- nance, blood ties were to become the most sacred organizing principle of society. The Zhou dynasty presided over a feudal social order, with peas- ants bonded to the estates of noblemen. Feudalism was founded on the lin- eage rule (zhongfa) system, which determined rights and duties on the basis of blood ties. This zhongfa system also prescribed the distribution and in- heritance of family resources from one generation to another. It raised fa- milial and filial values into “social absolutes,” serving as the ethical-sacred foundation of Zhou humanism.

Instead of following a more familiar pattern of religious movement from animism into polytheism and then into monotheistic religion, Zhou syncretism generally sought to break with theistic religion altogether. Henceforth, the “great tradition” of Chinese religion would be character- ized above all by what Weber called “this-worldly religion”—religious be- liefs having little to do with transcendental order and divine godheads (Weber, [1922] 1964:1–3). Already in the time of Zhou, an “enlightened” outlook had developed, affirming the primacy and autonomy of humanity

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as the sole source of both existential enigma and fulfillment and asserting that humanity remains truly autonomous only when ritually bonded to the community and its rulers (Lewis, 2006). Thus, the rise of Zhou syncretism set the distinct temperament of Chinese religious beliefs, marking the mas- ter trend that later stages continued to deepen and enrich but never did abandon or supersede.

Second Configuration: The Axial Age and the Rise of Confucianism During later centuries, the Zhou syncretism broke down and contending schools of thought emerged. This lively stage of development, when such prominent schools as Confucianism and Daoism came into existence, is by far the most celebrated among observers. Beginning around 1000 BCE, India, Greece, Mesopotamia, and China all experienced major advances in their civilizations, independently of one another; scholars think of these civ- ilizations as occupying several parallel lines or planes, each serving as axis to subsequent progress of their civilizations, and call this period the “axial” age (see H. Chang, 1990; Roetz, 1993). In China, these advances occurred during the so-called Spring and Autumn Period and Warring States Period and extended into the short-lived Qin dynasty (see Table 3.1). The Han dy- nasty would then seek a synthesis among these contending schools (Loewe, 2005). This second syncretism, building on but moving beyond the first syn- cretism created earlier in the Zhou dynasty, stands unmistakably at the heart of cultural China. Even to this day, Chinese culture is identified as Han.

First, we focus on three schools among the many contending during the axial age: Confucianism, Daoism, and yin-yang. Then, we examine how the yin-yang cosmological framework was deployed as the scaffolding on which Confucianism and Daoism acquired tenuous syncretic unity during the Han dynasty.

Confucianism Confucius lived from 551 to 479 BCE (see Table 3.1). He sought a return to the humanist emphasis on rites and ethics found in the earlier Zhou syn- cretism (Strathern, 1999; Yao, 2000; Nylan, 2001; Nylan and Wilson, 2010; Goldin, 2011; A. Chin, 2007; Littlejohn, 2011; Gardner, 2014). His, too, is essentially a “secular religion,” founded on beliefs about proprieties of human conduct: social values, social practice, and the image of the ideal person. In society and the individual, the ultimate ends of life coincide with the worldliness of the mundane here and now (see Fingarette, 1998; Strath- ern, 1999; Yao, 2000; Poceski, 2009).

The social values associated with Confucianism center on the cardinal notion of ren, rendered variously by sinologists as “benevolence,” “hu-

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maneness,” and “compassion.” In The Analects—the record of Confucius’s teachings—ren is made the foundation of social life (Brooks and Brooks, 1998; Bo, 2003:99–204; Adler, 2002; Plaks and Yao, 2004; Ames, 1999; Confucius, 1992). Divine authority should be respected, but is generally ir- relevant. Ren literally means “two persons”; it is not just a set of ethical rules but an inalienable inner necessity, a moral imperative for human per- sonal and social existence. It cannot be approached as an individualistic ethic because human nature itself is inherently social; social interaction and relations between humans will take priority over personal interest and expe- rience. We have an innate moral mandate to show affection, sympathy, compassion, and benevolence toward our fellow humans by conforming to specific conventions of social behavior. Instinctive consciousness of that mandate sets humanity apart from other living beings. The value and good- ness of ren is not something that should be validated by reason or logic. Ren is both higher and deeper than the mere exercise of intellect. In the end, mutual affection and sympathy—emotional bonds—best validate and vindicate its primacy. The individuals who exemplify these ideals by prop- erly performing rites and social conventions are literally defining who they are, demonstrating their humanity.

The celebrated Confucian obsession with li (ritual and propriety) can be properly appreciated against this backdrop (Eliade, 1985:22–25; Ivan- hoe, 2000; Kern, 2005; Lai, 2006; Yao, 2006). The elaborate and meticu- lous rituals governing social interaction are the practical articulation of the cherished ideal of ren—personal actors defining their own worth by the col- lective sentiment they show toward social solidarity (Eno, 1990). Art, liter- ature, and moral discourse must help individuals cultivate these social pro- prieties.

The Confucian distinction between gentleman (junzi) and commoner (xi- aoren) also becomes clear in this context. Although achieving the remote ideal of becoming a Confucian sage is beyond the reach of most mortals, true followers of Confucianism can hope to become junzi—someone who desires and is far advanced in the attainment and practical pursuit of ren. A gentle- man is not merely someone generally righteous, honest, and knowledgeable. These well-accepted virtues must be assessed and related in terms of the core value of ren; a true Confucian gentleman is not motivated to attain individual success or precious assets, but rather shows his benevolence to others by practicing the social rituals with propriety (Tu, 1993). In contrast, the xiaoren (literally, “small-minded men”) are imperfect in attaining ren, or humanity. The xiaoren is the direct opposite of the junzi not because he is perhaps evil- minded or dishonest, but mainly because he is only concerned with his own interest and private desire. At their worst, such individuals ignore the cardinal value of ren by expressing frustration and social discontent; at their best, they show their respect for it by giving special deference to junzi. (See Chapter 4

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for more on the concrete interplay of these principles.) Confucianism inter- twines ethics and religion to regulate social behavior (Wilson, 2003). How- ever, it lacks a religious hierarchy to mandate its authority and is not inspired by divine authority from above, but rather by the inner benevolence of human nature itself (Hall and Ames, 1987). Mo Tzu and Mencius, who lived shortly after Confucius, touch on these ideas (de Bary, Bloom, and Adler, 2000; Hansen, 2000:153–196; Huang, 2001; Ivanhoe, 2002; Shun, 2000; Mozi, 2003; Xunzi, 2003; Lowe, 1992).

Daoism The other major indigenous religious tradition in China is Daoism, which (as indicated in Chapter 3) originated during the same period of axial diver- sification. The relation between Confucianism and Daoism is a contrast be- tween orthodoxy and heterodoxy—a distinction made famous by Weber in his study of Chinese religion. Although Confucianism pertains overwhelm- ingly to the social aspects of human life, Daoism pertains more to nature and the individual (Kirkland, 2004; Bo, 2003:205–296; Pas, 2006; Y. Wang, 2004; C.-f. Yu, 2000; Adler, 2002). Confucianism gives primacy to assert- ing and striving for social values, but Daoism gives primacy to tactically avoiding these allegedly superficial pursuits. Daoism rose as a contrasting parameter to assert the values that Confucianism neglected. It was permis- sible and common for people to take on both Confucian and Daoist out- looks, letting each fill the void left by the other. The two together broadly demarcate the field of diversification in the axial age.

Standing at the heart of Daoism is the concept of dao, which can vari- ously be understood as “the principle,” “the way,” and “the word” (Waley, 1988; Ames, Hall, and Bernstein, 2003). Thus, dao can be regarded as a mode of behavioral tactics, specifying the principles that are most closely compati- ble with the dynamics of human and natural affairs (Clarke, 2000; Roth, 2004). Or dao is perceived in more philosophical rubrics as the way, postulat- ing the presence of a universal pattern or law that underlies the conduct of so- cial and natural phenomena. And if dao is seen as the word, it denotes the need for doctrines and codes to be formulated and espoused in words or utter- ances for the articulation of the dao. These three aspects of dao all revolve around the concept of virtue (de), suggesting that dao is by nature virtuous (Eliade, 1985:25–33; Moeller, 2004, 2006). These multiple meanings explain why dao remains so much an enigma in Chinese thought, readily associated both with the crudest kind of magical practices and with philosophical en- lightenment of a lofty order (Birrell, 2000; Pregadio, 2006; Wong, 1997; E. Yang, 2007; D. C. Yu and Fortin, 2000). As a metaphor or concept of truth, dao was commonly evoked even in doctrines outside Daoism. For example, the Confucian classics were replete with the use of the concept when dis- cussing truth and its method, albeit with specific Confucian reference.

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Whether according to Laozi (Anthony, 1998; Balkin, 2002; Cook, 2003; Marshall, 2001; Roth, 2004; Wagner, 2000; Y. Wang, 2004) or Zhuangzi (Ames, 1998; Chuang Tzu, 1997; Cook, 2003; Zhuangzi, 2003; Henricks, 2005; Kjellberg and Ivanhoe, 1996; Mair, 1983, 1998), the two legendary founders of Daoism, the gist of dao lies not in human endeavor but rather in evading the futility of human endeavor. The universe is the to- tality of all being, generated from an unimaginable cosmic void, the om- nipresent dao. Dao is emptiness, mystical and all-pervasive. The world de- rives from that emptiness. Humans can achieve a linkage with that emptiness by refraining from individual ambition and social activity and seeking oneness with dao.

The belief in dao naturally reinforces a passive attitude of retreat. Ex- treme Daoists preached a social doctrine calling for small social units, with minimal government structure, and as little social interaction as possible (Schipper, 1993). They saw the numerous moral values and ethical codes cherished by the Confucians as unwanted baggage; if social ties and inter- action were avoided or minimized to begin with, most problems the Confu- cians set out to confront would not even exist. Submitting oneself to the dao can create a very different kind of individual and social order.

Other Daoist schools believe that moving in accordance with the propensity and force of the dao would make the individual much more compatible and effective in the world, rather than in retreat from it. Cor- rectly perceiving and abiding by the movement of dao actually strengthens one’s potential and power. By this ironic twist, the passivity of Daoist tenets is transformed into tactical endeavor. This tempts o

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