12 Sep Think about how power informs sexuality and vice versa. Drawing upon at least ONE of the assigned readings for thi
Think about how power informs sexuality and vice versa. Drawing upon at least ONE of the assigned readings for this unit and one contemporary example, please discuss how power and sexuality inform the #MeToo Movement? You may draw upon a contemporary example from your own experiences, media, academia, internet culture, etc.
Be sure to use APA formatting in your initial response (including in-text citations and references), add word count, and adhere to the proper word length.
7/30/2019 When Women Of Color Say #MeToo : NPR
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RACE
When Black Women's Stories Of Sexual Abuse Are Excluded From The National Narrative
LISTEN· 5:14 Download Transcript
PLAYLIST
December 3, 20178:08 AM ET Heard on Weekend Edition Sunday
LULU GARCIA-NAVARRO
Karen Attiah, The Washington Post's global opinions editor, says current conversation surrounding sexual harassment largely excludes victims who are
7/30/2019 When Women Of Color Say #MeToo : NPR
https://www.npr.org/2017/12/03/568133048/women-of-color-and-sexual-harassment?fbclid=IwAR2peU8dtebfzECrUh5G8tUHemWGujT_TTh4pmpS3vOPeD_j19q… 2/7
g g y women of color. The Washington Post
The recent cultural reckoning over sexual assault and
harassment has highlighted the dangers women face
in workplaces throughout Hollywood, media
organizations and in public office. The growing
number of accusations has put a spotlight on high-
profile men's abuse of power, many times with white
men being accused by white women. But what about
stories from women of color?
Karen Attiah, The Washington Post's global opinions
editor, tells NPR's Lulu Garcia-Navarro the current
conversation surrounding sexual harassment largely
excludes women of color who are victims.
Attiah points to the numerous accusations against
musical artist R. Kelly. The claims against the 50-
year-old R&B singer span a number of years and
range from illegal underage relationships, child
pornography and most recently, holding women
against their will.
7/30/2019 When Women Of Color Say #MeToo : NPR
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"When these accusations against these powerful white
men … came to light, it really again reminded me that
we haven't been talking about some of these figures
who are in our popular culture that have been accused
of preying on women for decades," Attiah says.
She says a number of factors contribute to the
apparent lack of national discussion about the R.
Kelly accusations: His music has become a mainstay
in black culture, many women accusing him aren't
high-profile or powerful celebrities – and many of
those women are black.
"Part of it, unfortunately, has to do with whether or
not we see black women and girls as worthy of care
and worthy of protection," Attiah says.
"Unfortunately, it's hard not to think that if his
victims were wealthy white women, that we would be
including R. Kelly in these conversations that we're
THE RECORD Breaking Confidentiality, R. Kelly Accuser Goes Public Claiming Underage Relationship
7/30/2019 When Women Of Color Say #MeToo : NPR
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having right now about sexual abuse and
exploitation."
Interview Highlights
On conversations about accusations against R.
Kelly within the black community
I mean, I hear of course both men and women who
say you know what, "He's gotta go, this guy is a
monster, we can't allow this to be happening." And
then I also just find this sense of, "Well, we need to
7/30/2019 When Women Of Color Say #MeToo : NPR
https://www.npr.org/2017/12/03/568133048/women-of-color-and-sexual-harassment?fbclid=IwAR2peU8dtebfzECrUh5G8tUHemWGujT_TTh4pmpS3vOPeD_j19q… 5/7
wait for all the facts." And so it's kind of unfortunate
to hear that from the black community. So it's hard to
kind of demand that the mainstream media and
community stand up for the victims when it seems
like the black community, our community, is not
always willing to do that, ourselves.
On what happens when women of color do
speak up about sexual harassment
You know, it's really interesting because I think of
Lupita Nyong'o's New York Timesarticle where she talks about her encounter with Harvey Weinstein, and
it was one of the more moving and very well-written
accounts of what it was like to have to deal with a man
who was powerful yet charming yet fearsome. And it
struck me that … it was her account that Weinstein or
his team forcefully pushed back on. Not only is there a
sense of we're excluded from the narrative, but even
when prominent members of our community are in
the narrative, that we're the ones whose stories are
pushed back upon. We're the ones who are lying.
7/30/2019 When Women Of Color Say #MeToo : NPR
https://www.npr.org/2017/12/03/568133048/women-of-color-and-sexual-harassment?fbclid=IwAR2peU8dtebfzECrUh5G8tUHemWGujT_TTh4pmpS3vOPeD_j19q… 6/7
On including more women in the #MeToo
movement
I think one thing about the #MeToo movement, a lot
of it has been seemingly confined to, I would say,
white collar professional jobs. So, if we're wanting to
include more women, we need to also be talking about
the abuses that go on in sectors like restaurant
workers, domestic help … Because again, what ties all
of this together, regardless of income, regardless of
status, regardless of color, really, is about the abuse of
power. So, women of color who already have harder
barriers in those professional circles, I think we
absolutely do need to pay more attention to their
stories, and part of that will be for us to start listening
and to start taking women of color seriously.
NPR Digital News Intern Isabel Dobrin produced this story for the Web.
NATIONAL In The Wake Of Harvey Weinstein Scandal, Women Say #MeToo
7/30/2019 When Women Of Color Say #MeToo : NPR
https://www.npr.org/2017/12/03/568133048/women-of-color-and-sexual-harassment?fbclid=IwAR2peU8dtebfzECrUh5G8tUHemWGujT_TTh4pmpS3vOPeD_j19q… 7/7
,
Abstract Drawing from fieldwork and interviews with middle-class sex workers, this essay considers the relationship between the class-privileged women and men who are increasingly finding their way into sex work and more generalized patterns of economic restructuring. How has the emergence of new communications technologies transformed the meaning and experience of sexual commerce for sex workers and their customers? What is the connection between the new ‘respectability’ of sexual commerce and the new classes of individuals who now participate in commercial sexual transactions? This essay concludes by exploring some of the key transformations that are occurring within middle-class commercial sexual encounters, including the emergence of ‘bounded authenticity’ (an authentic, yet bounded, interpersonal connection) as a particularly desirable and sought-after sexual commodity.
Keywords authenticity, class, postindustrialism, sex work, technology
Elizabeth Bernstein Columbia University, USA
Sex Work for the Middle Classes
By the end of the 1990s in postindustrial cities such as San Francisco, a burgeoning internet economy was in full swing, and media stories abounded which suggested that technology was pushing contemporary culture towards new frontiers of sexual tolerance by eliminating the biggest obstacles to the buying and selling of sexual services: shame and ignorance. Commentators highlighted the ease and efficiency of the new technologies and the ways in which online sexual commerce had shifted the boundaries of social space, blurring the differences between under- world figures and ‘respectable citizens’ (Droganes, 2000; Economist, 2000; Prial, 1999).
Less frequently commented upon were the broader cultural under- pinnings of new forms of technologized sexual exchange. Nor was there much discussion of the socioeconomic transformations that linked
Article
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seemingly disparate cultural phenomena together. What were the under- lying connections between the new ‘respectability’ of sexual commerce and the new classes of individuals who were participating in commercial sexual transactions? What was the relationship between the over- whelmingly white, native-born and class-privileged women (and men) who were finding their way into sex work and more generalized patterns of economic restructuring? How did the emergence of new communi- cations technologies transform the meaning and experience of sexual commerce for sex workers and their customers?
My discussion in this essay derives from ethnographic fieldwork carried out in five US and European postindustrial cities between 1994 and 2002, a period of rapid technological growth and expansion.1 Fieldwork consisted of on-site observations and informal interviews with participants in a variety of erotic work spaces and at sex workers’ support groups; 15 in-depth, face-to-face interviews of 2–6 hours in length and an immersion in sex workers’ own writings and documentary films (Bernstein, 2007). In this article, I focus on the experiences of sex workers who exemplify the ways that middle-class sex work has been facilitated by – and itself facilitates – new technologies of sexual exchange. A secondary aim is to explore some of the key transformations that are occurring within the privatized commercial sexual transactions that many such participants engage in, including the emergence of what I term ‘bounded authenticity’ (an authentic, yet bounded, interpersonal connection) as a particularly desirable and sought-after sexual commodity.
Economic concerns in sexual labour In postindustrial cities of the West, sex workers who are white and middle class have sometimes been hard pressed to defend themselves against critics who maintain that they are atypical and unfit spokeswomen for the majority of women engaged in sexual labour, whose ‘choice of profession’ is made under far greater constraints. Although middle-class sex workers may not be speaking for the majority when they seek to reframe sexual labour in terms of a respectable and esteem-worthy profession (Leigh, 2004; Nagle, 1997), some of the most sociologically interesting questions go unasked and unanswered if we limit ourselves to the non-majoritarian critique. Why are middle-class women doing sex work? Can sex work be a middle-class profession? Most crucially, if sexual labour is regarded as, at best, an unfortunate but understandable choice for women with few real alternatives, how are we to explain its apparently increasing appeal to individuals with combined racial, class, and educational advantages?2
The research that I conducted during the internet boom years of the late 1990s suggests that economic considerations, in fact, remain highly
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relevant to middle-class sex workers’ erotic and professional decision- making. Richard Florida’s (2004) notion of the ‘creative class’ – a social formation specific to late 20th-century technologically advanced urban economies – shares certain common features with earlier sociological notions of postindustrial society’s ‘new class’, as well as with Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of the ‘new petite bourgeoisie’. Even during the peak years of the internet economy, well-paid, part-time work – especially for women of these ‘creative classes’ – was, more often than not, difficult to come by. Despite the huge expansion of jobs in postindustrial dot-com economies, patterns of gendered inequality within the high technology sector meant that even white, college-educated women were likely to be excluded from the highest-paying positions.
Compared to men with similar forms of educational capital and class provenance, middle-class women in postindustrial economies are much more likely to find themselves working in the lowest-paid quarters of the temporary help industry, in the service and hospitality sectors, or in other poorly remunerated part-time jobs (McCall, 2001; Milkman and Dwyer, 2002; Sassen, 2002). Jenny Scholten and Nicki Blaze (2000) have written about their experiences living in San Francisco during the dot-com boom years and supporting their nascent writing careers by working as strippers, coining the term ‘digital cleavage’ to refer to a gender-specific version of the more frequently remarked upon ‘digital divide’ (the class-based gap in access to high technology). Observing the disparity between their ‘non- corporate type’ female friends who worked in the sex industry and many of their male counterparts who easily drifted into well-paid work in the high-tech sector, they note that ‘College hadn’t prepared these men for systems administration anymore than it had prepared us for pole tricks. We’d all learned our trades on the job.’ With women constituting a mere 28 per cent of the employees in the IT industry – and occupying the lowest rungs within it (Scholten and Blaze, 2000), the decision to provide lap dances was regarded by many women as a more reliable source of revenue. Notably, by the late 1990s, a prominent student-run newspaper in the San Francisco Bay Area was as likely to feature ‘Help Wanted’ ads for exotic dancers, escorts, and pornographic models as it was for part-time computer assistance.
Given the gendered disparities of postindustrial economic life, the relatively high pay of the sex industry (compared to other service sector jobs) provides a compelling reason for some women from middle-class backgrounds to engage in sexual labour. Girl-X’s narrative of her decision to become a phone sex worker, which appeared in a special Sex Industry issue of the alternative parenting magazine Hip Mama, exemplifies one common route of passage into the Bay Area sex industry in the late 1990s:
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I had gotten bored with my day job, which was – and still is – unworthy of mention . . . The idea [of doing phone sex] excited me . . . I would no longer be subject to the indignities that came along with my previous jobs in the service industry, slinging espresso, records, books, or trendy clothes. I could barricade myself in my cave-like studio apartment all day and all night if I wanted, leaving only for special occasions, like the appearance of a Japanese noise band at one of those divey punk clubs. (Girl-X, 1997: 20)
Where Girl-X exemplifies the transition from low-end service work into sexual labour, Zoey’s account of trying to support a middle-class lifestyle on $17.75 an hour (despite holding bachelor’s and master’s degrees) exemplifies another. Zoey was a 30-year old former social worker who was working as an erotic masseuse when I met her. During a conversation over tea in her apartment, she described her transition into sexual labour this way:
A year out of school I was very burnt out on the low pay, and really wanted to make more money . . . My boyfriend at the time had a good friend who had been doing sensual massage for many years and had found it tremendously lucrative . . . And so, I thought, oh, this would be a great ground for me to, you know, skip over years of torturous low pay [laughter] and actually then, to practice things that were truly dear to my heart.
During an interview with Elise, who was pursuing a doctoral degree in comparative literature when she began what would eventually evolve into a 10-year stint as an escort, she pointed to a related set of motivations that had underpinned her own decision to engage in sex work:
I had recently met these women who were sex workers . . . and I saw that this looked easy, like an easy way to make lots of money . . . I was working on my dissertation and I had to teach and to take out huge student loans. That was like a huge factor in deciding to do sex work because I felt like I couldn’t afford to go into any more debt. So yeah, I started doing sex work at this agency where my friend worked. And then eventually I started working from home.
Sex work and distinction Economic factors also served to shape middle-class sex workers’ choices in other ways, ways which were not directly related to the pursuit of material sustenance in a high-tech economy but which pertained more generally to members’ class-specific cultural dispositions. In Distinction, Pierre Bourdieu’s analysis of the material and social underpinnings of taste, he describes ‘the new petite bourgeoisie’ as composed of individuals with two primary class trajectories – on the one hand ‘those who have not obtained from the educational system the qualifications that would have enabled them to claim the established positions their original social position promised them’ – women like Anna, a sex worker I met from an
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affluent suburb in Colorado, who had just completed her BA but had yet to pursue an advanced degree – and on the other hand, ‘those who have not obtained from their qualifications all they felt entitled to’ – women like Zoey or Elise, who were dismayed that their educational credentials had not lifted them to greater heights (Bourdieu, 1984: 357). Given either trajectory, individuals who pertain to the new petite bourgeois class fractions are likely to settle into subordinated spaces within the institutions of cultural production and exchange. According to Bourdieu, what is most distinctive about these new class fractions, however, is the particular ethos which infuses the cultural goods that they produce and consume. Unlike the ‘old’ petite bourgeoisie (paradigmatically, the declining class of crafts- men and small shopkeepers) which sought to distinguish itself from the working classes via an ethic of self sacrifice and ‘virtue’ – the new petite bourgeoisie seeks its occupational and personal salvation (and thus its sense of distinction) via an ethic of ‘fun’:
[W]hereas the old morality of duty, based on the opposition between pleasure and good, induces a . . . fear of pleasure and a relation to the body made up of ‘reserve’, ‘modesty’ and ‘restraint’, and associates every satisfaction of the forbidden impulses with guilt, the new ethical avant-garde urges a morality of pleasure as a duty. This doctrine makes it a failure, a threat to self esteem, not to ‘have fun’. (Bourdieu, 1984: 367)
Middle-class sex workers’ frequent embrace of an ethic of sexual experimentation and freedom must thus be seen not only in ideological terms, but as a particular strategy of class differentiation as well. Not inci- dentally, many of the middle-class sex workers that I interviewed were unpartnered and without children, and the majority described themselves as nonmonogamous, bisexual, and experimental. Some sex workers even espoused an ideology of sexual fluidity that (along with the necessary economic capital) enabled them to serve as both sellers and occasional buyers of sexual services. In contrast to the old petit-bourgeois values of upwardly mobile asceticism and restraint (which served to distinguish this class from the working class, whose ethos rejects ‘pretense’ and striving), the new petite bourgeoisie regards fun, pleasure, and freedom as ethical ideals worthy of strenuous pursuit. The embrace of these ideals serves as a means for members of the new petite bourgeoisie to distinguish themselves from the old petite bourgeoisie, an invisible boundary separating classes of individuals who might seem, at first glance, to exist in close proximity.
Organizing the exchange for authenticity Middle-class sex workers’ sense of distinction vis-à-vis their work could also be found in the types of work situation that they favored. As
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researchers Melissa Ditmore and Juhu Thukral (2005) have observed, the goal for most indoor sex workers (of whatever class background) who remain in the business is usually to be able to work independently. A common trajectory is to enter the industry working for someone else and to gradually build up one’s own clientele. While professional autonomy was indeed desirable for the middle-class sex workers that I spoke with, there were other organizational criteria that were important to them as well. During whatever period of time that they might spend engaged in brothel-based work with third-party management, they were inclined to remove themselves from locales that seemed to foster a purely instrumen- talist relationship to the labour. As Bourdieu has written, new petit- bourgeois ‘need merchants’ ‘sell so well because they believe in what they sell’ (1984: 365). Although the sex workers I interviewed described an array of experiences with third-party management, some of the most troubling situations did not involve violent coercion or physical danger but rather circumstances exemplifying a crude economic self interest and lack of authenticity – the opposite of the sense of value and distinction that attracted them to the work in the first place.
The first time I did massage, I was green, green, green. I don’t think that there was a hell of a lot of camaraderie or direction shared amongst the women. I know that there was male ownership or at least male management and I don’t think that the commissions were fair . . . [It was] not an empowerment situ- ation . . . I do remember one phrase, ‘greasing down pigs’. I remember always thinking about the oil, and touching, and thinking of the men as pigs. So we’re not talking real true-blue pleasure here. (Diana, 38)
I worked at a place once in a sort of gourmet neighbourhood in Berkeley – alternative but ritzy . . . But even though they acted like we were a co-op – they expected us to do all of the cleaning and answering the phones, and required us to do the laundry during our shifts, stuff that a madam would normally do – all they did was come in and collect the money . . . They also made us come to staff meetings in addition to our regular schedule. These meetings were unpaid, a waste of our time . . . I finally left when I got a chance to open my own place in the City. (Amanda, 38)
A San Francisco-based sex worker, Amanda, currently has several of her present and former lovers serving as her ‘drivers’ (taking her to the homes of outcall clients, and waiting for her until she is finished) as well as provid- ing security for her with in-call clients (staying in an adjoining room of her rented workspace and being ready to intervene in case of any mishaps). Amanda likes to refer to the three men who work for her as her ‘sofa boys’, whose main job it is to sit on the couch, chat with her during slow periods and help her clean up at the end of a shift. Far from controlling Amanda, these men are essentially friends that she has recruited to act as her paid employees. Pye, a sex worker activist and newspaper columnist from
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Stockholm, also described her current working environment – a strip club that is run as a (legitimate) workers’ cooperative – in emotionally positive terms. During our interview, Pye explained that at her club, the workers not only maintained close relations with one another as well as with the management but also divided up all wages and tips equally: ‘We’re like friends and family to each other – one girl plays the violin; another is in a folk band; another is studying English lit’.
The role of new technologies Despite the broader structural trend which situates women of most social classes on the wrong side of the ‘digital cleavage’, the internet has reshaped predominant patterns of sexual commerce in ways that many middle-class sex workers have been able to benefit from. As various commentators have noted, the internet has enabled sexual commerce to thrive not only by increasing clients’ access to information but also by facilitating community and camaraderie amongst individuals who might otherwise be perceived (and perceive themselves) as engaging in discreditable activity (Lane, 2000; Sharp and Earle, 2003).3 For women who are able to bring technological skill and experience to sex work, it is increasingly possible to work without third-party management, to conduct one’s business with minimal inter- ference from the criminal justice system, and to reap greater profits by honing one’s sales pitch to a more elite and more specialized clientele (Sanders, 2005a).
During our interview, Amanda was quite explicit about the ways that the new technologies had revolutionized her practice. She recounted how, after her brief stint working in a Berkeley brothel in which she was con- sistently ‘passed up’ by the predominantly working-class clientele ‘in favor of younger, bustier, blonde women’, she decided to give sex work another try when a friend suggested to her that she could advertise on the internet and work out of her own space:
Now, I only advertise on the internet. It insures me a reliable pool of well- educated, professional men with predictable manners and predictable ways of talking. When they make appointments, they keep them. My ad attracts a lot of first timers. I seem ‘safe’, like someone they would already know, since it’s clear that I have the same kind of background as they do and I seem easy to talk to. White educated women like me have a lot of appeal to professional white men.
Sybil, an aspiring dancer, described a similar transition from brothel work to self-employment:
At the brothel, I would always get sold short . . . I was always presented in the number three or number four position, brunette being a big negative . . . But the great thing about Jennifer [the madam] is that she told me, and it went
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over my head like a low flying jet, ‘Sybil, you’re old enough, you’re good enough, and gosh darnit you know how to sell yourself. Just take out a fucking ad and work out of your own crib.’ I am so grateful. For less than the commission price of one client at Jennifer’s, I have created a monster by virtue of six words, a knowledge of language, and marketing skill.
By advertising through specialty websites, members can even pitch their advertisements towards clients who harbor an interest in their specific physical characteristics (fat women, older women, Asian women), or in the precise sexual services for which they can offer expertise (tantra, sado- masochism, erotic massage). Many such sites are also linked to client websites which feature restaurant-style reviews of their services. Other websites contain links to escorts’ personal blogs, in which the day-to-day musings of the sex worker are intended to serve as a window into her personality. Finally, there are community websites with classified listings, where advertisements for sex workers simply appear in the ‘services’ section, sandwiched unobtrusively between the headings for computer help, event planning, skilled trades and real estate.
Professionalizing sexual labour As Bourdieu observes, one way that members of the new petite bourgeosie have found to embrace a sense of social distinction is via the adoption of ‘reconversion strategies’, in which cultural capital is employed to ‘pro- fessionalize’ marginal spaces within the labour market and to invest them with a sense of personal meaning and ethical value (1984: 368). At the meetings of sex worker activists that I attended in San Francisco, members made efforts to professionalize their trade through activities such as the demonstration of ‘penetration alternatives’, discussions of novel and tested safe-sex techniques, and presentations of statistical studies docu- menting the incidence of HIV in body fluids. Meetings were also a common place for members to make referrals to one another and to circu- late written materials such as ‘dirty trick’ lists (featuring the names and phone numbers of clients who were suspected of being dangerous); legal, investment, and tax advice; and safer sex guidelines.
Over the course of the last decade, there have been a number of print and web-based ‘how-to’ guides which serve a similar purpose, distributing accumulated know-how worldwide (EscortSupport.com, 2004; Meretrix, 2001). One popular self-help volume for entrepreneurial sex workers features chapters on ‘Marketing Your Services’, ‘Continuing Education within the Field’, and ‘Planning for the Future’ (Meretrix, 2001). In similar fashion, the ‘Escorting Tip Guide’, published by the website EscortSupport.com (see Figure 1), contains a list of frequently asked questions, such as ‘What is the best way to screen clients?’ as well
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as a set of probing ‘self knowledge’ questions for prospective sex workers to consider: ‘Was it money alone that attracted you? . . . Do you have any internal stigma about working? [T]here are far too many women in the business who thinks all it takes to succeed is tits and ass . . .’ (EscortSupport.com, 2004).
For the middle-class sex worker I spoke with, the performance of sex work often implied a distinctive skill set that could be elaborated through education and training. Many spoke explicitly about their deliberate pursuit of special skills as a means of enhancing bo
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